Sunday, January 15, 2017

Yes, you can learn to be happy: And here’s how


The good news is that it is entirely within your power to find happiness in 2017



We can, with a bit of discomfort, change ourselves. People do it all the time

It’s that time of year: we’re giving up things, being bombarded with detoxing tips, planning on getting thinner or fitter. But will it make us happy?
Imagine if we could buy a pill for happiness, the ultimate antidepressant. Studies show happiness can ward off infection, enhance memory, reduce pain and prevent heart disease, with no side effects except mild jaw soreness (from all that smiling).
There is no magic pill, of course, so where can we find more happiness? We’re going to have to manufacture it.
The good news is that we are programmed with the ability to make ourselves happy – it’s just that many of us have forgotten how and, thanks to our life experiences, we’re living in a haze of day-to-day misery.
So how can we change our attitude and make life happier? GP and author Dr Harry Barry believes too many of us are living with unhelpful beliefs and unnecessary behaviours, labelling ourselves as anxious and unhappy and staying in a miserable state. But some, simple reprogramming of our brains could have a profound effect on our lives.
In Barry’s most recent book, Flagging Anxiety and Panic, he explains how our brains can be changed: “We call it neuroplasticity – the ability of the brain to change. We know from brain scanning we can physically change the pathways in our brain and alter the messages it sends. You are not doomed to act in a certain way for the rest of your life.”

Damaging behaviour
For most of us, change only happens when the damaging behaviour or belief starts interfering with our everyday lives, he suggests.
“We only challenge ourselves to make a change when our loss gets too high. If you are struggling to make that change, take a look at what discomfort you are avoiding that’s stopping you. We need to have different conversations around this. It’s time to face the fact that we do have power over our feelings and our lives. We are not helpless in this.”

It’s a message that only a few of us want to hear. We can, with a bit of discomfort, change ourselves. “We can change and people do it all the time,” says Barry. “The big problem that needs to be discussed is what I call ‘low frustration tolerance’, a major problem I see every day.”

Low frustration tolerance is where we are close to moving on and changing, but we don’t like the discomfort we are feeling and slip back into our old ways, says Barry.
“We need to take control. At the moment, we cannot tolerate even a little bit of discomfort or anxiety, so you will hear people say, ‘I do want the situation to change, but I don’t want the discomfort of bringing it about.’ If you are frustrated in your job, fuming and want your boss to change, you need to think about changing your thinking. Nothing will happen waiting for someone else to change.”

Moria Geary, former nurse and author of Wake Up and Change Your Life, agrees that we have all the tools we need for change but sometimes need help to achieve it. During the recession, finding herself under severe financial pressures after her husband lost his job, she fell into a depressed and anxious state herself and tried several treatments to end the pain she was feeling. She found several techniques that brought her relief and she now helps people to ‘reprogramme’ themselves, make changes and live a happy life.
“The first thing I want to say to people who are struggling is that it is not their fault. It is so important to know that it is the fault of your programming,” she says. “There is no point in berating yourself about your past life or behaviour – choose to accept and learn from the experience instead.”
She too strikes a cautionary note: “Change is 100 per cent possible, but there is a bit of work involved. If you want to change, you need to get out of your own way and get started.”

Back to basics
Where to start? Barry suggests going back to basics. “Get out a sheet of paper and write out the five main things bothering you – whether it’s being unhappy in your job, unfit, crippled with anxiety, overeating, or whatever. All behaviour has a purpose, so ask yourself what is the underlying reason for keeping on this particular path?”
Break it down into simple steps, he suggests, pick one issue that causes the greatest distress and look at what simple changes you can make. Don’t tackle it all at once and, if you are struggling on your own, get some help.
Both agree that age doesn’t matter. You are never too young or too old to feel stuck – or to become unstuck.
Geary suggests looking inside yourself for the answers. If you spend your time blaming the economy, the weather or anything else, your focus is in the wrong place. “By allowing people to affect the way you feel you are handing them your power. Life throws curve balls all the time, but we all have the ability to look for solutions, to be motivated, to be proactive, to learn – and everything else we might need to improve any situation. However, when the going gets tough we often rely on blame, violence, anger, cynicism and all the other negative traits that will disempower us and create a miserable life for us.”
When you’ve got the list of things that are causing you pain, Geary suggests asking this question: is it serving me? If not, then you will need to put yourself in a little bit of discomfort to start the change.

Geary says what is important is letting people know that the tools exist to make a change. “It’s amazing to see the change in attitude about mental health and dealing with deep unhappiness in life. What is really important is acknowledging that people are hurting and their life is not what they wished for, but that they have the power to change that and there is a way out. You do not have to feel like this forever.”
She suggests adopting a set of guidelines (see panel), her “golden rules”, which can take a lot of pain out of everyday life. “The solution is never in your problem. You need to look up and out and find out what you can do to make yourself live a happier life. There is absolutely no reason to stay miserable when you have all the power to make a change.”

Mindfulness
Dr Barry is a fan of mindfulness, which can help reshape our brain pathways, and recommends the three-minute breathing space, a mindfulness technique that can stem anxious feelings.
He describes how to do it in this extract from the book: “One wonderful mindfulness exercise of great value in anxiety is the three-minute breathing space. It can be done at any time of the day, particularly when we are under a lot of stress. It involves finding a quiet space to waste three minutes of our valuable time. Here’s how it works. Finding a comfortable posture, close your eyes and engage with the following:
Minute one:
Focus your mind on inner experiences, such as your thoughts, emotions and physical sensations. Do not try to change or challenge them. Just become aware of them.
Minute two:
Focus on the simple physical sensation of breathing and particularly on your abdomen rising and falling with each breath again. Do not try to control it. This helps us to centre ourselves. This part is critical for anxiety.
Minute three:
Increase your focus or awareness on your body as a whole, including your posture, facial expression and sensations. Accept it all completely and without judgment.
If performed two or three times a day, the benefits are enormous.”
Extract from Flagging Anxiety and Panic: How to Reshape Your Anxious Mind and Brain by Dr Harry Barry, published by Liberties Press.

Five rules
Moira Geary has developed five “golden rules” that can help you transform your attitude to life.
“I am not really a fan of the word ‘rules’ as it gives a connotation of having to stick within limits, but I make an exception here. I know if you live by these, they will literally transform your life for the better.
Rule 1: Respect how others see the world.
Each person has his or her own unique representation of the world. Two people can go through the same experience but have two completely different representations of what actually happened.
You do not have to like or agree with any behaviour, just respect that it is a person’s representation of the world. This is where you will find freedom.
Rule 2: Practise non-judgment of others.
Practise being non-judgmental in terms of not being critical or pass-remarkable and, more importantly, not sharing your criticisms with others.
The people we are most judgmental of are those closest to us. The first person is ourselves. Next on the list are those whom we love most. We judge them because we want them to be their best. We can also judge them because we have a need to control, but, whatever it is, don’t beat yourself up about it. Just start to practise non-judgment in all areas.

Rule 3: Change your perception of your reality instead of trying to change the circumstances.
I often see unhappy people who believe that if only people or situations around them would change they would be happy. People do not want to change their behaviours to make you happy – they are too busy trying to make themselves happy. The best way to be happy is to change your how you see your reality.
Rule 4: Understand that there is a positive intention behind all behaviour.
Everyone’s behaviour is driven by our subconscious mind in a bid to make us happy – it has a positive intention. Past experiences will again be responsible for the sometimes difficult and destructive behaviour that people engage in. Accepting this means it is much easier not to get caught up in the drama, the story and the negativity.
Rule 5: Acknowledge that every resource you need to create change is already in you.
When you look around and notice the challenges and goals people have overcome and achieved in the history of the world, it is nothing short of incredible.
To overcome challenges and achieve goals we need a set of resources, and we were all born with these resources. Sometimes it is easier to blame others for our situation rather than empower ourselves and make an effort. You have a choice, and now that you are informed you have a responsibility to yourself to create the good life you deserve.
Extract from Wake Up and Change Your Life by Moira Geary, available with an online course from www.wakeupandchangeyourlife.com

" Blood, toil, tears and sweat.."




After only a few days on the job, newly appointed Prime Minister Winston Churchill gave this riveting, yet short, speech in the House of Commons on May 13, 1940.
In this speech Churchill offers up his own "blood, toil, tears, and sweat" so that there will be "victory at all costs." This speech has become well known as the first of many morale boosting speeches made by Churchill to inspire the British to keep fighting against a seemingly invincible enemy - Nazi Germany.

"On Friday evening last I received from His Majesty the mission to form a new administration. It was the evident will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties.
I have already completed the most important part of this task.
A war cabinet has been formed of five members, representing, with the Labour, Opposition, and Liberals, the unity of the nation. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day on account of the extreme urgency and rigor of events. Other key positions were filled yesterday. I am submitting a further list to the king tonight. I hope to complete the appointment of principal ministers during tomorrow.
The appointment of other ministers usually takes a little longer. I trust when Parliament meets again this part of my task will be completed and that the administration will be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest to the Speaker that the House should be summoned today. At the end of today's proceedings, the adjournment of the House will be proposed until May 21 with provision for earlier meeting if need be. Business for that will be notified to MPs at the earliest opportunity.
I now invite the House by a resolution to record its approval of the steps taken and declare its confidence in the new government.
The resolution: "That this House welcomes the formation of a government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion."
To form an administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself. But we are in the preliminary phase of one of the greatest battles in history. We are in action at many other points - in Norway and in Holland - and we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean. The air battle is continuing, and many preparations have to be made here at home.

In this crisis I think I may be pardoned if 1 do not address the House at any length today, and I hope that any of my friends and colleagues or former colleagues who are affected by the political reconstruction will make all allowances for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act.
I say to the House as I said to ministers who have joined this government, I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat. We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many months of struggle and suffering.
You ask, what is our policy? I say it is to wage war by land, sea, and air. War with all our might and with all the strength God has given us, and to wage war against a monstrous tyranny never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy.
You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word. It is victory. Victory at all costs - Victory in spite of all terrors - Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory there is no survival.
Let that be realized. No survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge, the impulse of the ages, that mankind shall move forward toward his goal.
I take up my task in buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. I feel entitled at this juncture, at this time, to claim the aid of all and to say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
, 

What was on Irish women’s minds in the 1960s?

A study of readers’ letters to Woman’s Way reveals fascinating views on contraception, work, prison for ‘unmarried fathers’ and farmers’ dating questions



Mrs A.J., Rathangan, wrote: “with all modern conveniences it’s a shame to hear Irish Catholic mothers talk of family planning”; Mrs A.F., Wicklow, had nine children, four of whom had died and “every second one” of whom was “handicapped”. Her priest had told her that the laws of the Church couldn’t be changed: “Every mother will understand the heartbreak I have suffered”

I am almost 50 years of age and I remember no good days but the present ones. I remember cooking on an open fire ... I remember the dark, dismal homes of the countryside, lit by candles and oil-lamps, the dark, drab paint chosen to hide the dirt ... heavy kitchen tables being carried out to the yard for the weekly scrubbing. I have no regrets for the days that are gone.
Mrs K., Carlow, Woman’s Way letters page, November 30th, 1963

Mrs K. went on to praise “plastics, cookers and heaters” for the changes they had wrought in her life. Despite the accelerated provision of electricity and piped water to urban and rural dwellings that changed Irish women’s lives forever in this decade, Mrs K.’s detail about domestic facilities and tasks was unusual in the Woman’s Way letters page. Equivalent British women’s magazines of the late 1950s and mid 1960s featured many letters that were celebrations of (specific) new houses and elegies for old, but neither novelty nor nostalgia spurred Irish women to put pen to paper to the same extent about their living and working conditions. Although they contributed “handy hints” about cooking and house maintenance, when they mentioned houses, services and even families, it was in the context of a general discussion.

Over the past 45 years, academic studies of women’s magazines by Cynthia White, Janice Winship, Margaret Ballaster & Ros Beetham, Jennifer Scanlan, Joke Hermes, Nancy Walker and Valerie Korinek have routed Betty Friedan’s earlier, selective analysis that concluded that these publications oppressed women. All the authors mentioned above, while they acknowledge magazines’ consumer-driven agenda, agree (with differing emphases), that women read magazines both for practical information and for fantasy, not passively, but in a critical, often resisting way. And women write to magazines in a variety of voices, too. Not all letter-writers to Woman’s Way, as we shall see, subscribed to the buoyant optimism of the decade, or agreed that there were “no good days but the present ones”.

Although Woman’s Way, which began in April 1963, was not the first Irish women’s magazine, it was the first to have a readers’ letters (as opposed to a problem) page, and maybe that was why it was greeted with rapture by its early readers. Changing economic and social conditions, including improved spending power and transport, meant that this magazine achieved countrywide circulation and a penetration of rural Ireland, in particular, which had not been attained by any of its predecessors. Its first editor was Sean O’Sullivan, and Caroline Mitchell [the pen name of Barbara Dickson, who became the first female Irish Times news reporter in 1939] took over in 1965.
From the start the magazine urged women to take part in political and public life, O’Sullivan lamenting in 1963 that there were only five women in Dáil Éireann; if there were 78, “things would really simmer”. He returned to this theme several times. 

Mitchell, in her turn, reminded readers of their political responsibilities. The magazine featured columns by broadcasters on television and radio and by people in public life – Charles Mitchel, Monica Sheridan, Frank Hall, Frances Condell (the first female mayor of Limerick) and Al Byrne (at that stage more famous than his brother Gay). An array of journalists including Monica McEnroy, Mary Leland and Maeve Binchy produced long articles on women in prison, women’s legal rights, prostitution, bedsitter life, children in institutions, the educational reforms, birth control, nuns, prison reform, adoption, and many other topics. A four- page article by Maire Comerford on the women of 1916 marked the Rising’s fiftieth anniversary. Problems were answered initially by Maura Laverty, but from late 1963 by Angela McNamara, who also had a problem page on The Sunday Press.

Readers’ Letters
There were in or around 1,744 letters written to Woman’s Way between April 1963 and December 1969.7 Its title changed from Pen to Paper to Over To You in 1965, a phrase, significantly, borrowed from broadcasting. Every letter published won a guinea (£1, 1s.) for its writer, and from mid-1968 one letter in each issue was awarded a Prize Bond and given prominence on the page.

Letters to magazines or newspapers cannot be read as “pure” evidence of public opinion in any given era. Not all people read magazines and newspapers and of those who do, not all write letters. Doing so requires, first of all, literacy, and second, confidence and third, the time and wherewithal to compose a letter and post it. Then there is no way of knowing what selection criteria were employed by editors in deciding what letters to publish. They could decide to publish a balance of letters on a particular topic, or to save a number of letters on the same topic and publish them all together. It would not be useful, therefore, to compare the number of letters that were, say, sympathetic to birth control with those which opposed it. It is useful, however, to look at the kind of issues that prompted women (and some men) to write in, and the tone which they wrote.

The magazine commented happily in 1964 that it could not publish even a fiftieth of the letters it got; it is surprising, therefore, that some correspondents’ names featured several times over the years. What spurred people to write? What can loosely be called women’s status, made up 18 per cent (332) of letters in these years. Children, young people, education/ training accounted for 14 per cent (244). Miscellaneous/current affairs made up over a quarter of all letters (27 per cent, 467). The largest category of all, and one common to British magazines as well at this time, comprised three subcategories – Handy Hints, Things They Say/Do (funny things children, husbands and other relatives said or did) and consumer suggestions (Why Don’t They). Always very short (three or four lines only), this kind of letter made up 45 per cent (783) of all letters sent in. Mrs M Stakem from Co Westmeath and Mrs B Landers from Co Kilkenny made a cottage industry of these short letters between 1966 and 1969, each writing in at least 12 or 13 times.

It would be impossible to do justice to all these categories, so this article confines itself to the women’s status, and the miscellaneous categories. Letters on young people, with their discussion of the introduction of free secondary education and the ongoing seesaw between denigration and defence of modern youth, deserve an article on their own. The Handy Hints/Why Don’t They category would be an excellent source for the historian of consumption and material culture.

Miscellaneous
These letters usually reacted to articles in the magazine and were sometimes prompted by current affairs, suggesting that Woman’s Way correspondents read newspapers, listened to the radio and watched television.

Concern about Travelling People, or “itinerants”, was constant. “Fair-minded” Port Laoise wrote in 1964 that “in God’s eyes the tinkers are as important as any other group of human beings”, and two years later Mrs K Crotty, Waterford, referred to “the grave injustices the itinerants have suffered at our hands”. Several other letters on this topic were published right down to December 1969 when John McDonald won a Prize Bond for saying that Irish people should not be shocked at the anti-immigration attitudes of British MP Enoch Powell, “considering the kick-around our itinerants get”.

Many comments about matters religious had to do with contraception and will be discussed in the context of women’s status, but inevitably in this decade of Vatican II, other aspects of religious belief and practice were explored. It was unfair that mixed-marriage couples couldn’t adopt children, MPL, Dublin, wrote in 1968. The new informality of the Catholic Church was welcomed by some, deplored by others. When Mrs J Andrews, Castlecomer, praised Fr Michael Cleary for “coming down to the level of the people”, HB, Mallow, reacted sharply: ‘Did He [Christ] worry about coming down to people’s levels?” Sheila Kerr, Belfast, hoped the “human kindness and charity” of England’s new Cardinal Heenan would be emulated in Ireland: “It is time that the Irish hierarchy stopped hiding behind a veil of awe”. In 1969 there was some controversy about whether women should continue to cover their heads at Mass. The previous year, Mrs ML, Waterford, was upset about the Kennedy-Onassis marriage, wondering why “Jackie” had put herself outside the Church: “we all loved her”. Other readers wrote in to wish the former Mrs Kennedy well.

Cait Ni Mhuinineacain, ‘An Muilleann Chearr’, wrote in 1968 to disagree with Fr Cleary’s claim that teaching children Irish did not prepare them for decent employment in British cities. (The slanted, oblique acknowledgment of the persistence of emigration should be noted and will be referred to in the conclusion, below.) Yes to compulsory Irish but no to corporal punishment, a group of Roscommon friends decided early in 1967, while ‘A Parent’, Tuam, called for less Irish in schools and more health and hygiene. Aidin Ni Chaoimh, Comhdhail Naisiunta na Gaeilge, defended the language, and Damhnait Ni Neill, ‘Port Lairge’, took issue with the magazine’s ‘weekly comment’, which, although in favour of the language generally, was against compulsion.

The relocation of civil servants from Dublin to Mayo in 1968 provoked a series of letters. Miss M. McC., Co. Sligo, and A.C., Castlebar, in two separate letters flatly contradicted ‘Eileen’ some weeks earlier who had claimed that it was nearly impossible to buy nylons west of the Shannon. A strongly worded letter from Mrs T.M.R., Dublin 4, expressing horror at moving her family to the ‘dire poverty’ of the west, showed that ‘Eileen’s’ fear and loathing were not unusual. But Mrs M.H.D., Dublin, pointed out that she had lived in both Athlone and Castlebar, that there were at least half a dozen ‘charitable and recreational societies’ and the shops were as good as those in Dublin. She closed by wondering how many Dublin dwellers extended a helping hand to people who had made the far more common move in the other direction.

Women’s status
Women working outside the home (or not), birth control and family size; women on the land, women and politics and unmarried mothers, were the issues that came up most for discussion. A mild discussion about hospital versus home birth (mostly in favour of the latter) meandered along between 1966 and 1969.16

The magazine’s emphasis on women’s rights was appreciated almost immediately. Mrs M. Bentley, Dublin, wrote delightedly that when her daughter expressed surprise at a work colleague who had to go home to make her brother’s tea, another colleague said, ‘... Have you been reading Woman’s Way too?’ L.G.O., Kerry, wrote in some months later to assure readers that women were going to insist on equal pay in her part of the country at any rate, though she was vague on the details of how they would manage it.

The question of whether married women, and specifically mothers, should work outside the home was debated as vigorously in 1969 as it was in 1963: only a small number of letters can be referred to here. Working unsupervised and being your own boss was the best thing about staying at home, Stay-at-Home Mother, Thurles, commented in 1965, comparing it with what must have been an unhappy working experience: ‘with every action watched and every word you say contradicted and criticised’. ‘Co Leitrim Granny’ believed women should have their own money, but worried that if a couple became too dependent on two wages, they would never start a family. Mrs M.O’S., Bandon, was not in favour of mothers working outside the home, and Mrs J.C., Delvin, believed the working mother neglected the home and family. Mrs J.M. O’F., Sligo, reluctantly agreed with her, because she believed it was important for mothers to do something away from the family. But Noirin Doyle, Cobh, found that she had more time and energy for her baby when she came home after a day’s work, and ‘Delighted’, Shantalla, Galway, said she was a better-tempered wife for working. John Hutton, Sallins, had to give up work and stay at home with the family for health reasons; his wife got a job and she was now ‘happier and years younger’. Mrs John Cunnane, Castlerea, wrote in 1963 that she was glad she had given up work to stay at home when her children were small, and Mrs Anne Molloy, Dublin 9, echoed her the following year, but Cunnane was a National teacher and Molloy a hairdresser, and both jobs, the women admitted, could be resumed when their children were older. Not all women were this lucky. Home-based earning was difficult, too, and a number of home-knitters in particular wrote in to complain about the terrible pay; M.M.G., Cavan, was paid only 1s. 7d. an ounce, and hoped ‘the women’s rights campaign, long overdue’ would do something for her.

Letters about contraception featured far more often than those on paid work, and again, only a representative sample can be given here. Readers’ letters on this topic only began to be published in 1966, although the magazine had referred to it already. Sean O’Sullivan was against artificial birth control, as was Angela Macnamara. As time went on, the editorial content of the magazine cautiously favoured birth control, though Macnamara continued to oppose it in the problem page.

The first readers’ letters on contraception were responses to an article by Monica McEnroy, when the pope’s decision was still awaited. A.M. objected to this ‘untimely, aggressive and irresponsible article’; the magazine should not ‘rouse the public to a state of readiness for contraception when a decision is still being awaited from those best-equipped to give [it]’. ‘Prospective Wife’ invoked God’s private relationship with the couple, and quoted the old saying: ‘If men were to have every second child, there would never be more than three in a family.’ Elizabeth Dalton, a mother of five, practising the safe period since after the first was born, anxiously awaited the pope’s decision, but thought that challenging his authority was ‘going too far’.

Letters opposing contraception usually did so by praising the unplanned family; Mrs E.R. Kirwan, who had four children, admitted resenting every pregnancy at first, but said she ‘would not be without’ any of them. The very idea that children could be planned was difficult for many couples who had married in the hard times of the 1940s and 1950s to reconcile with their experience of triumphant struggle against the odds, and many wrote in to express this. Typical was Mrs Eilis Ryan, Enniscorthy, with 10 children under 18 on a ‘small wet farm’ and the house ‘full of song and laughter’: ‘I sincerely thank God that we left the planning of our family to Him’. Mrs A.J., Rathangan, wondered why people needed to plan their families, especially in modern times: ‘with all modern conveniences it’s a shame to hear Irish Catholic mothers talk of family planning’.

Happy Mother, Laois, wrote in 1964 that she was annoyed at being commiserated with on the birth of her seventh son – ‘And I’m sure all-girl families feel the same’, but it was not long before the seven-child family was seen by some readers as problematic in itself, regardless of the children’s sex. Mrs A.G., Roscommon, described children as a ‘blessing’, but believed the ‘hardship and squalor’ of big families made family planning necessary. Mother-of-seven Mrs P.C., Monkstown, liked big families in principle but thought couples should space out the births. Mrs M.E.D., Laois, had five and ‘wouldn’t mind’ another five, and was disgusted in hospital to hear other mothers talking about contraception, but believed planning was a ‘decision’ for husband and wife. Mrs N.W., Dublin, referred to the ‘mental anguish of ill-timed pregnancy’. ‘Mental anguish’ was perhaps too mild to describe the plight of Mrs A.F., Wicklow, who had had nine children, four of whom had died and ‘every second one’ of whom was ‘handicapped’. Her priest had told her that the laws of the Church couldn’t be changed: ‘Every mother will understand the heartbreak I have suffered.’

There were many other letters on this topic, up to 1969. A whole page of letters in September 1968 reacted to the papal encyclical. M.F., Tullamore, was disappointed with it, but marriage was for bringing children into the world, and selfish people made bad parents. N.G., Mayo, did not agree, and quoted theologian Karl Rahner on the conscience of the individual. The letters were about evenly balanced for and against, with no discernible regional pattern.

Contraception concerned married women only; discussion of unmarried mothers was linked to the need for sex education, a point made frequently and vehemently by Angela Macnamara on the problem page. K.M.D., Co. Dublin, called for long prison sentences for ‘unmarried fathers’ and this was typical of the tone of correspondence on this topic, which began in 1967 and continued for the rest of the decade. Mrs P.D., Tullamore, linked unmarried motherhood to the lack of sex education, but Mrs Rita Johnson, Dublin, a mother of four daughters, did not believe that ‘any girl attending a city convent’ was ignorant of sex education; pregnancy is ‘the incidental penalty a girl must suffer when she deliberately flouts the teaching of the 6th commandment’. At least four readers wrote in to disagree with her. Two articles the following year on the ‘Pregnant from Ireland’ phenomenon in British social workers’ case loads prompted one unmarried mother to praise mother-and-baby home Sean Ross Abbey in Roscrea for the kindness she had experienced there, and to urge other pregnant unmarried women not to go to England. A claim (made by a writer to the problem page) that there were no unmarried mothers twenty-eight years before, made Mrs Alice Drennan, Dublin 8, ‘smile’: ‘Perhaps my part of the country [she must have been a rural migrant settled in Dublin] was different but we had quite a large number and it was the same in my mother’s day.’ She praised Angela Macnamara’s ‘kindness and common sense’.

Politics came up very occasionally. ‘Party Worker’, Bray, thought it ‘dreadful’ that so few women took an interest in politics, M.K., Co. Carlow pleaded for more women TDs. Mrs B.D., Mallow, criticised women for their political apathy, P.K., Dublin 14, encouraged more women to get involved in public life, as did E. Hurley, also Dublin 14. These letters were few and far between; it was a slow-simmering issue compared to family planning.
Courtship was sometimes discussed. Mrs B. MacC., Leitrim, caused controversy in 1968 when she advised mothers not to ‘throw [their daughters] on the rubbish heap, namely the dancehall’. She had ‘placed’ her four daughters in ‘good positions’. Two were doctors and had married doctors, one was a bank clerk and married a bank official, and the airhostess married a pilot. Four readers challenged her. Mrs Miriam Luby, Co. Dublin, said that she was married with ‘six wonderful children and a devoted husband, whom, may I say, I met at a dance’. ‘Five Foxtrotters’, Dublin 7, also protested, claiming they had all met their ‘well-educated’ boyfriends at dances; three were engaged and two ‘doing steady lines’.

Not every woman wanted to find a husband, although Louise Dennis, Wexford, in 1963 suggested that women rejected marriage through ‘fussiness’ and a love of ‘the good life’, and regretted it later. This was a common view, but it gave way later in the 1960s to the widely held opinion that single women were rejects. In 1968 N.B., Waterford, reacted scornfully to a Late Late Show guest who claimed that Irish women could not converse intelligently. If an Irishman heard a girl express an opinion, she said, ‘he takes off so fast that even Arkle couldn’t catch up with him’. ‘Planted firmly on the shelf’ herself because she was too outspoken, if she had her time over, ‘I’d act the dumb cluck with the best of them’. This was obviously tongue-in-cheek: Ireland in the late 1960s still had a very high proportion of active middle-aged single women in the population, who had refused or missed marriage in the 1940s or 1950s. They may have been surprised to find themselves defended by Mrs Sheila O’Farrell in a prize letter in 1968 ‘[They] are not freaks, but wonderful women who make the world a better place to live in’.

Farmwomen, so often overlooked in magazines worldwide, claimed Woman’s Way as their magazine, too. ‘Stay-at-Home’, Athy, was 21 in 1965 and ‘could not be any happier than I am, living and working on the family farm’; she was also an active member of the Irish Countrywomen’s Association and Macra na Feirme. Farmer’s Wife, Kilkenny, noted in 1966 that there were ‘no letters from farmers on your page’ so she decided to give ‘city readers’ an itemised timetable of the farmwoman’s day. Although her letter was not a complaint, it provoked two sour urban responses. But this anti-ruralism did not stop farmwomen using the letters page to talk to each other. ‘Flabbergasted’, west west Cork (sic), told in 1967 of how a young farmer on a first date asked her age, occupation, pay, and cooking ability; whether she dyed her hair; the cause of her mother’s early death and, significantly, whether she would be able to keep on her job after marriage. J.R., Dublin 6, on a visit to her home place, was asked by a young farmer on a date if her position in Dublin was good enough for her to save for a dowry, and a 19-year-old farmer’s son asked 16-year-old C.L.C., Limerick, if she had any land. S.F., Cork, pointed out, in farmers’ defence, that they couldn’t ‘afford’ to marry for love, but ‘Thirty-Acre Happiness’ wrote of how he had married a ‘working-class city girl’ and 18 years and eight children later, they were still happy, despite having no money; ‘not all farmers are the same’, he reminded readers. Mrs M.T., Co. Mayo, told readers that Knock Marriage Bureau had found that women, not men, were the reluctant farm spouses, because farmers’ daughters didn’t want the hard lives their mothers had. She assured readers that farm life had improved, with modern serviced houses and cars, and ‘nobody makes a better or truer husband than a hard-working farmer’. Young women’s flight from the land, often viewed in this decade as short-sighted and selfish, was explained by Mrs M.M., Limerick city: only the inheriting son could stay on the land, the others had to find work elsewhere, and she described the day she had to take the train to the city as ‘one of the saddest I can remember’. On a lighter note, ‘Weary-worn’, Mallow, in 1966 highlighted the irrelevance to farmwomen of Al Byrne’s recommendation that wives glamourizse themselves for their husbands’ evening homecomings:

Can he just see her in buttons and bows
As she sits in her milking shed milking the cows?
Hubby’s been up all night with a pig,
So he won’t notice her curlers or wig –
... and more in the same vein.

Conclusion
In contrast to the frequency with which contraception was discussed in the letters, marital breakdown was never addressed at all. The magazine readily published challenges to Catholic teaching on birth control, so it cannot have been reluctant to publish letters questioning the indissolubility of marriage. Such letters must not have been written. Commentators on the liberalisation of sexual behaviour in Ireland refer to ‘divorce, contraception and abortion’ as if in ascending order of gravity, but for Woman’s Way readers in the 1960s, the order of the first two, at least, was contraception, with divorce a long way off. Husband-wife relationships were the subject of a long-running, semi-jocular back and forth from early in 1964 right to 1969, about whether husbands and wives should bring each other tea in bed; polish each other’s shoes; remember each other’s birthdays; give each other little surprises. Mrs E. O’Sullivan, Limerick, warned readers not to take their husbands for granted, in 1967; the following year Miss M.G., Cork, commented how awful it was when husbands took wives for granted. This was about as serious as it got, and when Mrs P.T., Drogheda, used a phrase from the popular TV quiz show, Quicksilver, ‘Get down!’, to illustrate how some husbands put wives down when they tried to do anything for themselves, the tone of her letter stood out starkly in contrast to the others.

Britain, or England, was rarely mentioned in the letters, either. Although it had slowed down since its highest point in the previous decade, emigration was still ongoing. The 1960s also saw thousands coming back to Ireland from Britain to make a new life. Almost every Irish person over 25 in 1963 either had relatives in Britain, or some personal experience of living there. Over these years, however, there were only 10 letters on emigration to Woman’s Way, and over half of these deplored the emigration of young teenagers or pregnant unmarried women. 

When M.G., Lifford, commented in 1968 that ‘we should thank God’ for emigration, because ‘without it, what would many a poor woman with a large family do?’ she was drawing attention to an uncomfortable social reality. A more modern view of youth emigration as social failure was expressed by Mrs Brigid O’Donnell, also from Donegal, the following year. But why, Maureen Gogarty from Dundalk wanted to know, were Irish people who went to England ‘scorned’ when those who went to Australia and America were given parties and wished well? Joyce Peck, Goole, Yorkshire, reacted with annoyance in 1969 to a correspondent who had said that suburbs were making Irish people more English than the English. England wasn’t all suburbia, Peck pointed out – she herself lived on a farm – and anyway, if English suburbs were so bad, why were so many Irish people coming to live there? When M. Attard, Colchester, had outlined some years earlier the many advantages of having gone back to nursing after her baby was born, she did not point out that she could not have done this in Ireland. Britain was an over-arching presence for Irish people, and those who spent money on an Irish magazine in preference to a British one, although willing and able to complain about life in Ireland, were probably unwilling to hold Britain up as an example, and would have resented advice or comparisons from friends and relations who had settled there.

The comparative absence of specific discussion on housing at a time of cataclysmic housing change in Ireland was noted at the beginning, but the letters written to comparable British women’s magazines differed in other ways also. Woman’s Realm, 1958-60, and Woman’s Own, 1966, two magazines almost identical in structure and content to Woman’s Way, carried many celebratory letters about specific relatives (daughters, mothers, in-laws) and musings on life in general and domestic life in particular that rarely featured in the Irish magazine. Discussion of political matters and social issues featured but the tone was mild, and the personal was separate and distinct from the political, or broadly social, in a way that it was not in Woman’s Way. Miss C.D., Dublin, wrote to Woman’s Own in 1966 about a farmer encountered at a Dublin ballroom who, when asked if he was enjoying the evening or not, replied that it made a change from looking at the cattle all day. Comparison of Irish dancehalls with cattle marts was common in Ireland, but British readers were not to know this; it was published as an amusing story. Had Miss C.D. sent her letter to Woman’s Way, it would have provoked a flurry of letters attacking and defending farmers, dancehalls, and perhaps even cattle.

In November 1966 Mrs Oishi, Cheshire, told Woman’s Own that she had used the letters page as an example of the humour, commonsense and ‘outlook on life’ of English women, in an article for a Japanese magazine. Earlier that year Mr A.R. Kimmings, Middlesex, complimented the letterwriters to Woman’s Own, suggesting that ‘if they could escape the day-long tasks of home and family, many would blossom into first-class novelists and feature writers’. Mrs M.L., Cork, however, envisaged quite a different function for the Woman’s Way letters column: it should, she suggested, be compulsory reading for ‘every priest, bishop and Dail deputy in the country’.

Catriona Clear

Friday, January 13, 2017

John Waters is the man off the hour (well two)

(This article was written back in September 2013 by Michael Clifford about  curmudgeon Irish journalist, John Waters, who thinks he is a humorist and could not resist putting it up here again for the sheer humour of it (Barry Clifford)


                                                                    This is John


THE first move of a totalitarian regime is to lock up the writers and intellectuals. They came for John Waters in the dead of night. Well, they didn’t, but they might as well have.

It was noon, high noon, when he surrendered to the police, after months on the run. A warrant had been issued for his detention, earlier in the year, but, in the grand tradition of a police state, it wasn’t worth the paper it was written on.

Waters’ writer’s eye had spotted that the warrant was out of date and defective. Clinging to this legal nicety, as the jackboot drew back for another kick, he went on the run. 

Thereafter, the State relentlessly gave chase. Like Michael Collins before him, Waters didn’t allow this pursuit to interfere with his speechifying. He was seen in public, and heard on the airwaves in the weeks and months that followed, but after every event, adoring crowds swallowed him up, determined to protect him from parking attendants and other nefarious agents of the State. 

Then, last Tuesday, exhausted and resigned to donning the martyr’s clothes, he gave himself up. A small band of brave supporters came out from their safe houses, and bore witness to the surrender. Fittingly, one of their number, poet Liam Muirthile, stepped forward and handed Waters a book, presumably of verse, as if that alone might fortify him against the hell that awaited. 

He stoically accepted his fate as they took him into custody. He was dispatched, under guard, to his very own ‘Robben Island’, a ‘Mandela’ wearing a suit that could have been a hand-me-up from Bono beag. 

Waters was processed at Wheatfield prison, like a common criminal. He emptied his pockets, handing over the three cents that was all he had to his name. Then, he was thrown into a cell with two other inmates. 

There was no special treatment for this enemy of the state. Across the world, in Brazil, his fellow detainee, Michael Lynn, managed, last week, to wrangle a prison upgrade, as a result of his university degree. Waters had no such parchment to present. Instead, he was flung into the cauldron of the general prison population. 

Later, much later, when it was all over, Waters revealed that he had “bonded” with his two fellow inmates. One of them recognised him from the telly. This inmate told Waters that he was a bit “overdressed” for prison. 

Once the door slammed shut, he was left to adapt to the mind-numbing tedium of life behind bars. Seconds passed slowly, but mounted into minutes like the turning of seasons. 

What demons danced around his consciousness in the depths of incarceration? 

Did he rewind to the fateful day when he had found a parking ticket affixed to his vehicle in downtown Dun Laoghaire? 

Did he, in his darkest hour, regret not just coughing up and paying the damn fine? 

Did he despair that he might never again write a song for the Eurovision? 

How close did he come to breaking? 

Johnny held tough. He did his time with little fuss, but he wouldn’t yield to their entreaties, refusing to accept the prison dosh that was pushed his way. 

Eventually, with the eyes of the world on Wheatfield, the authorities blinked first. 

In just under two hours — that’s 7,200 seconds — they threw open the gates. Before he stepped into freedom, they tried, once more, to quench the spirit of resistance. As a peace token, they offered him a bus ticket to anywhere in the country, but he refused, determined to travel by shank’s mare, in the footsteps of Martin Luther King, free at last. 

So ended his long minutes of incarceration. Afterwards, he hot-footed to the studio of Newstalk FM, to relate his prison diaries. If he had, like so many others, been brutalised by prison, he hid it well, as George Hook put him through his paces. 

“It’s a small cell,” he told Hookie. “A very dirty cell. It’s about six foot by 12 foot. There’s a bench at the back of it. It’s like a bus shelter with bars on the front of it. To be in that room, and know that your ability to move outside of a short space is in the hands of another human being, that’s frightening.” 

Then, before Waters could get into his stride, Hook dropped a bombshell. He also had done time. About 40 years ago, when the State was shrouded in darkness, he had been banged up. 

“What were you in for, George?” Waters asked, and suddenly the drivetime show transmogrified into a pow-wow between aging lags about how they’d fought the law, and the law had won. 

So, what civil disobedience had Hookie engaged in? Or was he once on the fringes of gangland, en route to a life of crime, before incarceration saved him from himself? 

“I found it terrifying,” Hook recalled.


“I was in for urinating in the street, near Fitzwilliam Square, and I got caught short. I was in my 30s. They left me there for about three hours.” 

This was riveting radio, a glimpse at the dark side of humanity, where media types usually fear to tread. This was the real deal, Love/Hate without the pretty boys. 

Beyond Waters’ immediate orbit, his sacrifice was acknowledged. 

In the letters pages of newspapers and on radio phone-in shows, it became apparent that he had lit a fuse. 

One caller to RTÉ’s Liveline laid out for Philip Boucher Hayes how serious the situation over parking had become in Dun Laoghaire. 

“It’s like a war zone down there,” she said. (The statement immediately gave rise to an image of two hardened fighters in war-torn Syria, looking down from a hilltop at havoc being wreaked in an urban centre, one turning to the other and declaring: “It’s like Dun Laoghaire down there.”) And so ended a week when the spirit of resistance against oppression was given new life. As the loan sharks in suits appeared before an Oireachtas committee, taunting the elected tribunes with their power, out in the battlefield of the Republic a fresh avenue of hope was opening up. 

Throughout history, Ireland, in its darkest hours, has looked for a leg-up from selfless patriots. Robert Emmet, in 1798, Pearse, in 1916, Dana, in 1970, Ray Houghton, in 1988, and now John Waters. The ideal of sacrifice endures when all else is lost. 

In a country that’s gone to pot, we must reserve a pantheon for the freedom fighters who can transcend the mundane obsessions of Joe and Josephine Public. For what use is life, at all, if you’re not free to park where you want of a lazy afternoon, in a town of your choice? An Ireland shackled to parking restrictions will never be free. 

So, arise now and join the battle. We must forcefully impress on these parking attendants, with their peaked caps and watery smiles, that they will never grind the Irish people into submission. Otherwise, freedom’s just another word for nowhere left to park. 


Take note clampers, or you’ll be next.


Michael Clifford

Majority of Americans are one medical emergency away from financial ruin


In the United States, Wanda Battle, a registered nurse for four decades, was recently hit with a $100,000 medical bill. She has visited her local emergency room on more than one occasion due to severe migraines and mini-strokes. Battle managed to reduce her latest hospital bill to $32,000 based on her relatively low income, but still faces $650 monthly payments for a previous $22,000 medical bill. “There were times I couldn’t work,” says Battle, 61. “I have not held a job that is continuous.” She has had choppy health care coverage during her career. “One agency told me I hadn’t worked enough hours to qualify for health insurance. But I worked three 12-hour shifts per week in that job.”

Although her case is particularly unfortunate — she did not take out Obamacare — she is not alone in facing the prospect of a disastrous financial situation after a hospital bill. A majority of Americans (59%) don’t have enough available cash to pay for $1,000 emergency room bill or even a $500 car repair, according to the results of annual survey released Thursday by the personal finance site Bankrate.com Indeed, some studies have suggested that medical bills are the No. 1 cause of personal bankruptcies and, early Thursday morning, the Republican-controlled Senate narrowly passed a budget resolution to repeal the Affordable Care.Act. 

“It’s not a matter of if, but when an unexpected expense will pop up,” says Jill Cornfield, a retirement analyst on Bankrate.com. Half of those surveyed said they actually knew someone who faced a surprise expense of $500 or more in the last year. The good news: The number of those who say they could not afford to meet that unexpected expenses is down from 62% two years ago. When faced with an unexpected expense, 41% who said they would dip into their savings, one-fifth would finance the expense on a credit card, another one-fifth would reduce spending on other things like groceries and entertainment, and 11% said they would borrow from family or friends.

While savings predictably increase with income and education, almost half of the highest-income households — those earning $75,000 per year — and college graduates don’t have enough to pay for these unexpected expenses. However, 47% of those aged 18 to 29 said they would use their savings to cover such a burden, up from 33% in 2014. (Princeton Survey Research Associates International conducted a survey for Bankrate of a nationally representative sample of 1,000 adults, half over land lines and half over cellphone.)

“A key consideration regarding household finances and overall economic well-being is the ability to withstand financial disruptions, according to a separate 2016 report  released by the U.S. Federal Reserve, which surveyed nearly 9,000 adults. Many individuals who experienced a financial hardship in the prior year indicated that they drew down savings, undertook some form of borrowing, or both. Some 20.5% of those who reported a financial hardship and earn less than $40,000 per year did just that. (The percentage was 11% for those earning between $40,000 and $100,000 and 9.3% for those earning over $100,000 per year.)

When asked if they have set aside an emergency or rainy day fund that would cover three months of expenses, nearly half of respondents (47%) indicate that they do, while just one-third said that they did not, the U.S. Federal Reserve survey found. These figures are virtually unchanged from two years ago when the Fed last carried out that survey. However, an additional 21% said they could use their main source of income — either a job or government benefits — to cover their expenses for three months by either borrowing money, using non-liquid savings accounts like retirement funds, selling assets, or borrowing from friends/family.

Why aren’t more people saving for a rainy day? Millions of Americans are already struggling with student loans ($1.42 trillion and counting), house and auto bills, and other debts. Central bankers hiked their short-term interest rate target for the second time in a decade last month by another quarter percentage point to 0.75% from 0.50%, which is still an historically small return for savings left in bank accounts. In fact, personal savings rates as a percentage of disposable income dropped to 5.8% in the third quarter of 2016 from a recent peak of 9.2% in the fourth quarter of 2012, according to the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.

In the meantime, Battle says her first priority is to pay her $3,000 property taxes. She chose not to take out insurance with the Affordable Care Act, which has a maximum out-of-pocket limit of $7,150 for an individual plan and $14,300 for a family plan for 2017. Tennessee has been described as “ground Zero” for premium increases in Obamacare. Last year, the state insurance commissioner, Julie Mix McPeak, approved premium increases of up to 62%. Battle sees the irony in a registered nurse being faced with financial crisis because of unforeseen medical expenses. “I’ve taken care of people for 40 years,” Battle says. “I’ll be dead before these medical bills are paid.” 


Quentin Cottrell

How to Be Civil in an Uncivil World


Americans seem to be forever undergoing a “crisis” of civility. Year after year, we’re told that the norms dictating decent behavior are eroding; that we’ve lost sight of the basic regard we owe our fellow participants in public life; that the contentiousness of our culture threatens to undermine our democracy. Worrisome stuff, of course — but a little vague. If, as any historian will tell you, people in all times and places have been alarmed by this development (the ancient Romans called it pugna verborum, or “the battle of words”), you might wonder how urgent, or even actual, the trouble really is. Then there’s the problem of definition. One man’s civility is another man’s repression. Were the Act Up protesters in the 1980s so indecorous as to disqualify themselves from political conversation, as their critics charged? Or were they the ones demanding civility, in the form of simple recognition of the lives of people with AIDS? Is Donald Trump dangerously boorish? Or is he, too, resisting an ersatz decorum, one he and his supporters call “political correctness,” which they claim honors the feelings of everyone but the beleaguered white working-class male?

One response to these complexities is to abandon the quest for civility, deeming it a historically fanciful, hopelessly imprecise ideal. Another response, exemplified by the political scientist Keith J. Bybee’s slim and artful treatise HOW CIVILITY WORKS (Stanford Briefs/Stanford University, paper, $12.99), is to suggest we continue to fight for civility but learn to think of it less romantically. Given how nasty and intractable the conflicts in our society can be, Bybee argues, it is naïve to imagine we can somehow transcend our clashing sets of values and miraculously agree on what counts as acceptable behavior and tolerable opinion. After all, if we could find common ground on something as fundamental as that, we wouldn’t have the sort of nasty and intractable conflicts we call on civility to manage in the first place. For better or worse, we must accept that civility “does not exist outside of politics as an independent force,” Bybee writes, but rather is just as much the “subject of political struggle” as everything else.

This solution has a paradoxical cast. The whole point of civility, you might think, is to have a consensus, not on any particular issue of debate, but on the manners that govern disagreement. For Bybee, though, that is a misguided belief. Ultimately, civility is about establishing the rules of “social belonging”: Whose views and interests merit consideration? That is a quintessentially contestable question. Bybee himself favors “more inclusive and egalitarian” conceptions of civility. But there are also hierarchical conceptions that require a social pecking order, like that of Warren Farrell’s men’s rights movement. For Bybee, that broader notions of respect aren’t universal is less a sign of civility’s weakness than a reminder that there is political work to be done.

This view is intended to be hardheaded and unsentimental, but the political theorist Teresa M. Bejan would presumably find Bybee’s conception of civility, rooted as it is in ideas of respect, no less idealistic. In her penetrating and sophisticated study MERE CIVILITY: Disagreement and the Limits of Toleration (Harvard University, $45), Bejan champions an even harder-headed view, that of the 17th-century religious radical Roger Williams. His conception of “mere civility” was based on “mutual contempt” rather than mutual respect. As the founder of the famously inclusive colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Williams understood firsthand that a tolerant society was not necessarily “a pleasant, harmonious or particularly peaceful place.” He himself tolerated Jews, American Indian “pagans,” Muslims, Catholics and myriad Protestant sects, but not because, like some proto-multiculturalist, he wanted to celebrate or dignify their differences. Instead, Williams worried that if these groups (which “he found most abhorrent”) were excluded from public life and common conversation, he wouldn’t be able to convert them from their strange and filthy ways.

With civility like this, you might ask, who needs rudeness? But the virtue of Williams’s view comes into focus, Bejan contends, when contrasted with those of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, two other 17th-century thinkers who sought to understand how a tolerant society would work. Hobbes feared that strident expressions of disagreement would threaten the diversity of views in society (much as hate speech is now thought to do), so he advocated an ethic of “civil silence,” or public discretion: People could differ privately in their opinions as much as they wanted but should not openly dispute one another. Locke, by contrast, wanted to preserve public debate, but worried that too much diversity of opinion might jeopardize productive disagreement (the sort of concern campus speech codes now reflect). So he urged an ethic of “mutual charity,” which required people to cultivate at least a minimal appreciation for the views of their opponents, or else be disqualified from debate. Both thinkers, in other words, imagined bringing about a tolerant society via suppression or exclusion — the very forces you would think a tolerant society would want to avoid.

These two influential conceptions of civility survive today in various forms. Their internal tensions help us understand why civility’s critics can always accuse its proponents of their own incivility: Tolerance based on intolerance is a hard trick to pull off. For this reason, Bejan laments that nowadays “Williams’s distinctive voice is nowhere to be found.” His central insight — one that emerged from the hard work of building a diverse community — was that the common ground required to support a tolerant society was much thinner than you might think. Williams asked not that everyone keep quiet or respect his or her enemies, but merely that everyone not do anything to stop the conversation from going. From this perspective, Trump is not uncivil because he is insulting but because he threatens to shut up his opponents. Williams’s “mere civility” demands more of us than Locke’s or Hobbes’s civility, in that it requires we have thicker skins about other people’s rudeness or disrespect; but it also demands less of us, in that we no longer have to muster respect for, or mute our criticism of, views we abhor. For liberals in an age of Trump, that might be a fair trade-off.

If all this hardheaded, disenchanted talk is getting you down, consider the refined and rarefied argument in TOLERANCE AMONG THE VIRTUES (Princeton University, $39.50), by the philosopher and ethicist John R. Bowlin. Whereas Bejan notes with disparagement that Locke’s idea of civility involved “a form of toleration so demanding as to approach a requirement for universal Christian charity,” Bowlin, a seminary professor, would no doubt see that as a point in its favor. Bowlin argues for a “perfectionist account of tolerance,” by which he means to defend it not as a modus vivendi for today’s problems of disagreement and difference, but as a timeless moral virtue. In this, his model is the medieval theologian Thomas Aquinas, who developed a systematic account of many virtues, but not, explicitly, of tolerance. Many of Aquinas’s followers today, Bowlin notes, would resist such an effort, because they think of toleration as “a distinctively modern response” — perhaps even a morally relativistic one — to differences of worldview.

Not only does Bowlin resist this objection, but he also suggests that tolerance is related to the Christian notion of “love’s endurance,” which St. Paul called “forbearance.” To treat the two notions as “sibling virtues,” as Bowlin puts it, is to observe they are deeply similar but also importantly different, so that comparing and contrasting them may serve to illuminate both. Even for non-Christians, Bowlin suggests, “secular theory” about tolerance might “benefit from acquainting itself with theological resources” about love. It’s a unifying thought: Perhaps this, or something like it, was what Barack Obama had in mind at the National Prayer Breakfast in 2010, when he urged that “empowered by faith,” we Americans needed to “find our way back to civility.”


James Ryerson