GARDA Maurice McCabe worked through Christmas 2012, from Dec 20 to St
Stephen’s Day. Ten-hour shifts. Young family at home, huddled in the warmth of
the season. That’s the lot of frontline workers. They put in the hours, while
the rest of us kick back. The upside for gardaí is a holiday at the end of it,
time to make up time.
By Michael Clifford
Or
so McCabe thought. He had a few days coming to him to chill out with the
family, cocooned from the world outside, which was loaded with stress.
McCabe
was a whistleblower. He had first made complaints, some years previously, about
what he deemed malpractice and deception. He had a good record when he was
asked to be station sergeant in Bailieboro, Co Cavan. While there, McCabe
encountered a number of concerns. Eventually, following what he saw as shocking
incompetence in the investigation of a serious assault, he made a complaint.
Others followed. A number were upheld, but McCabe wasn’t informed whether any
action was taken against the officers involved.
Pretty
soon, it became apparent that he was regarded as troublesome. Making complaints
wasn’t the done thing. Get on with the job; look the other way; bite your
tongue; and move on.
McCabe
availed of the ‘confidential recipient’ appointment. This office is designed to
receive whistleblowing information from within the gardaí. The recipient passes
it onto the Minister for Justice, who then informs the Garda Commissioner, who
is detailed to investigate. In theory, it offers an anonymous route for a
whistleblower. The system assumes that the commissioner will thoroughly
investigate complaints, even if they reflect badly on senior colleagues.
On
Dec 14, 2012, McCabe was called in by his district superior and told he was
being ordered to desist from disseminating information gleaned from the Pulse
system. McCabe had examined files on the system that illustrated widespread
abuse of the penalty-points system. Now, he had an order issued against him.
The message was being conveyed to him that the upper echelons of the force had
identified him as a whistleblower.
So
much for Christmas cheer. When he did sign off, on St Stephen’s Day, McCabe
went home hoping for some respite.
Not
a chance. Over the following three days, he received numerous calls from senior
officers. He didn’t respond. On Dec 30, two senior officers showed up
unannounced at his house. It is unheard of for a garda to be officially visited
at home, unless it’s for arrest for a criminal matter. Yet these men had
travelled from Westmeath to Cavan to deliver something that couldn’t wait until
McCabe returned to work a few days later.
He
was informed that his access to Pulse was being restricted. This rendered a
serious blow to his capacity to do his job. But that was secondary to him
compared to the manner in which the senior officers had shoved his troubles
into the bosom of the family home.
McCabe
shouldn’t have been too surprised. For nearly 12 months, at this stage, he had
been the focus of a disciplinary action involving the loss in garda custody of
a computer suspected of containing child-pornography images. McCabe had nothing
to do with the loss. He wasn’t even involved in the investigation in which it
was seized.
As
reported in this newspaper last Monday, a legal opinion sought at the time
described the disciplinary action as “shambolic”. Eventually, McCabe was
cleared of it, but the process dragged out for 18 months, loading further
stress on him and his family.
Does
all of that amount to a form of harassment?
Ask
Alan Shatter.
On
Jun 14, 2011, Shatter appointed Oliver Connolly to the office of Confidential
Recipient. Connolly had contributed €1,000 to one of Shatter’s election
campaigns. Appropriately, Shatter graced the appointment with a high-minded
statement.
“Any
member or civilian employee of An Garda Síochána who wishes to report, in
confidence, about corruption and malpractice can be assured that any such
report will be taken seriously and extensive protection will be given to him or
her.”
Despite
his flowery words, the minister’s record in protecting McCabe and his former
colleague, retired garda John Wilson, has been little short of a joke.
After
both men had lost faith in the confidential-reporting system, they went to the
Taoiseach and the Minister for Transport, who passed the matter onto Shatter.
He ordered an internal garda inquiry into the penalty points complaints.
The
report compiled under Assistant Commissioner John O’Mahoney found little wrong
with the system, apart from a few glitches. The whistleblowers weren’t
interviewed in the investigation.
Last
Thursday, O’Mahoney told the Public Accounts Committee that one reason for this
was he wasn’t supposed to know their identity, and therefore couldn’t ask them
to contribute. Yet both men had been issued with the order restricting their
access to Pulse. Why didn’t O’Mahoney pick up the phone and say, “Maurice, come
in and tell us what you know so we can get to the bottom of this”?
Maybe
what McCabe had to say would have discommoded the official response. Maybe it
was best to turn a blind eye to what the turbulent cop had to offer.
As
for Shatter, he has a few questions to answer. On Oct 1 last, he told the Dáil
that the whistleblowers “did not co-operate with the garda investigation that
took place”.
This
statement was wholly inaccurate, and may well have amounted to misleading the
Dáil.
As
the nominal employer of the Gardaí, Shatter also has obligations under
whistleblower legislation. Section 20 of the Criminal Justice Act 2011 obliges
employers not to penalise, or allow others penalise, whistleblowers. There is
also provision in the act that an employer who contravenes Section 20 shall be
guilty of an offence.
Has
Shatter penalised the whistleblowers by blackening their characters in
parliament? Has he allowed McCabe to be penalised in the force, through various
actions taken against the sergeant?
If
Shatter has a case to answer under the law, who could investigate it? The
gardaí?
This
whole affair is much bigger than penalty points, or a tug-of-war between the
garda commissioner and the Public Accounts Committee. After the corruption
exposed in Donegal, we were assured that a brave new world had opened up, with
extensive protection for officers to expose corruption from within.
In
Donegal, the failure of junior officers to report the rampant corruption of a
few senior colleagues was identified as crucial. The price of doing so would
have been their careers, and more besides. That
was all supposed to be in the past.
On
Thursday, PAC chairman, John McGuinness, read out a letter he had received from
McCabe. “Having
been treated the way I was for reporting the above, I don’t think that I would
do it again. It destroyed me, my career and my family.”
So
much for the protective reach of Shatter’s rhetoric.
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